The prime minister is being selective with his words and careful in choosing his battles

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ou could already tell that President Trump’s new “board of peace” for governing Gaza would be problematic by who was praising it and who wasn’t. Hamas welcomed Trump’s announcement.

In Israel, on the other hand, the Prime Minister’s Office released a dramatic announcement last Motzaei Shabbos: “The declaration regarding the composition of the governing committee for Gaza, subordinate to the Peace Conference, was not coordinated with Israel and contradicts its policy. The prime minister has instructed the foreign minister to raise the matter with the US secretary of state.”

When Binyamin Netanyahu distances himself from responsibility in such a way, it is a sign that he senses failure. In practical terms, even before the board members’ names were read aloud, the very establishment of the board was already problematic for Israel. The last hostage, Ran Gvili, has yet to be returned, and Hamas’s disarmament appears even further off than the collapse of the Iranian regime.

The president announced on Friday night that the board of peace would be chaired by Trump himself, and would include his son-in-law Jared Kushner, Secretary of State Marco Rubio, Special Envoy to the Middle East Steve Witkoff, and former British prime minister Tony Blair.

Israel’s issue is not really with those individuals named as board members, but with the two bodies operating beneath it. The “executive council,” an intermediary body announced by Trump, will function under the board of peace and above the technocrats’ committee for governing Gaza, headed by Ali Shaath, a former senior Palestinian Authority official — another deeply troubling appointment from Israel’s perspective.

Blair, Rubio, Witkoff, and Kushner will serve on both the board of peace and the executive council. Israel has no objection to them, nor to Israeli-Cypriot businessman Yakir Gabay, a European real-estate magnate known to Trump’s inner circle from the business world, though not as an Israeli representative.

Israel’s problem lies with the Arab League representatives whose inclusion rolls back Israel’s gains in Gaza. Qatari representative Ali al-Thawadi and Turkey’s Hakan Fidan are, in Israel’s eyes, a blood-soaked red flag.

Qatar and Turkey are Hamas’s patrons and protectors. Throughout the war, they have been perceived as working relentlessly to keep the terror group standing, boots on the ground and in control of Gaza.

The Qataris, along with the Egyptians, whose representative will be intelligence chief Hassan Rashid, are now attempting to hollow out the disarmament clause by advancing a compromise that speaks only of dismantling “offensive weapons.”

The Turks, who liken Netanyahu to Hitler and increasingly appear to be replacing Iran at the head of the anti-Israel octopus — with a Syrian arm — are now gaining their first foothold in Gaza. Israel’s sole consolation is the inclusion of Reem Al-Hashimy of the United Arab Emirates, the one Arab state aligned with Israel’s objectives, from Somaliland to Gaza.

Saudi Arabia is notably absent. For the Saudis, Turkish and Qatari involvement was bad enough. But Israeli sources say that coordination between Israel and the UAE on recognizing Somaliland and on the Yemen crisis are the real reasons behind Saudi Arabia’s decision to refrain from joining Trump’s board of peace.

“Not His Show”

Just two weeks ago, Netanyahu was the maestro at Trump’s Florida gala. Now anonymous White House advisors are gloating over Netanyahu’s objections to the board of peace, crowing that “it’s not his show.” How was Bibi blindsided davka on Gaza, the most critical arena of all? Or did he know the list in advance and, after throwing up his hands, shift responsibility to his foreign minister?

To sort out the confusion, we must consider the powers assigned to each body announced by the president. The board of peace, chaired by Trump, will focus on the overarching issues: fundraising and resource mobilization, Gaza policy, and regional coordination.

Operational responsibility lies with the executive council: overseeing services, cash flow, reconstruction, and directing the “national committee for Gaza’s administration” — the technocrats’ committee headed by Ali Shaath, whose members are mainly Palestinian Authority figures.

And herein lies the problem. Without Saudi involvement, having refused to share a roof with Turkey and Qatar, it appears we have returned to square one. Two and a half years after the October 7 massacre, Hamas’s chief sponsors reenter the scene through the front door — this time with Israel sidelined, unable even to open the suitcases of cash being brought in.

Israel now faces Turkey not only on its northern border in Syria but also on its southern flank. The Turkish representative on the Gaza committee, Hakan Fidan, is considered a potential heir to Erdoğan, with views toward Israel no less extreme. This is not how one builds a defensive wall around Israel.

A senior Israeli official tried to tamp down the concerns, explaining that while Israel objects in principle to Qatari and Turkish participation, this won’t mean a return to unmonitored suitcases of cash. All funds entering Gaza will pass through a special US-managed fund, overseen by the president and his team and by a World Bank representative on the board of peace. And there are clear understandings that not a single Turkish soldier will set foot in Gaza.

Behind closed doors, Netanyahu says the true war will be Israel’s demand not to retreat even one millimeter from the “yellow line” held by the IDF, which controls most of Gaza, until the last hostage is returned and Hamas is disarmed.

Whether Netanyahu knew about Trump’s announcement in advance or was genuinely surprised by it, the prime minister is being selective with his words and careful in choosing his battles. The Qataris and Turks are already here; with Trump, it is wiser to focus on the next objective.

Saar Steps Up

The passing of the Turkish hot potato to Foreign Minister Gideon Saar, who must now approach his American counterpart, Marco Rubio, reminded me of an insight Saar once shared during the Netanyahu-Obama years.

At the time, Saar served as a minister under Netanyahu and criticized him, while Netanyahu focused on managing his battle with President Barack Obama.

“Bibi chooses his adversaries carefully,” Saar told me then. “When you choose to fight the US president rather than ministers in your own government, you place yourself in a different league.”

Netanyahu maintains a direct line with Rubio and allows no minister to encroach upon the State Department portfolio; but he now graciously enables Saar to deal with his American counterpart. The reason is clear to all — and in this round of political matrimony between Bibi and Saar, another divorce is not on the table.

Both Netanyahu and Saar maintain a tight partnership because neither has an alternative. Saar extended the life of Netanyahu’s government and secured his own political survival through an agreement to integrate into the Likud. Netanyahu may have tried, through his statement, to evade blame for the setback, but in keeping with Saar’s old insight: When you are placed on the same square as the US secretary of state, for better or worse, your personal standing is elevated accordingly.

(Originally featured in Mishpacha, Issue 1096)