As Israel readies Gaza conquest, there is no quiet on other fronts

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ight after night, for nearly two years, the same images fill screens: explosions in Lebanon, ruins in Gaza, fires in Yemen. An unending question hangs over it all — will anything ever truly change?

In recent days, Israel’s complex reality has come to center on a single decision that could shape the current war’s trajectory: whether and how to seize Gaza City.

Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu, never shy of sweeping historical comparisons, likened it to “entering Berlin after conquering most of Germany.” He made the remark in an interview with the right-wing network OAN, later posting it proudly on his X account. The grandiose analogy, typical of Netanyahu, shows how his government now frames the decisive stage of the war on Hamas.

At Friday’s security cabinet meeting, ministers signed off on operational plans for the city’s conquest. IDF Chief of Staff Eyal Zamir reinforced the urgency during a visit to Tulkarm, declaring: “We are expanding activity in Gaza in the coming days. We are committed to act responsibly.”

For now, Israeli forces are operating on Gaza City’s outskirts, including Zeitoun, while preparing for a larger ground maneuver probably next month. The main obstacle: the evacuation of nearly one million civilians southward, which is heavily dependent on UN cooperation.

The stakes could not be higher. Gaza City remains Hamas’s command center, home to its deepest tunnels, weapons caches, and senior leadership. Roughly a million civilians — more than 300,000 of them children — are crammed into the dense urban terrain, which makes any military operation exponentially more difficult.

Unlike Rafah or Khan Younis, where Israel has fought before, Gaza City presents an unparalleled military challenge: highrises, a vast underground labyrinth, and civilian infrastructure that Hamas has converted for military use. The IDF believes that the last remaining Hamas leaders, and some of the hostages, are entrenched there.

The IDF’s plan will take three stages. First: Encircle the city and cut all supply routes. Second: Evacuate civilians through designated “humanitarian corridors,” using leaflets, text alerts, and broadcasts — giving each zone a 48-hour warning before declaring it a closed military area. Third, the most complex stage: protracted combat. Unlike previous campaigns, Israel intends to hold the ground it takes, systematically clearing tunnels, mapping underground infrastructure, and hunting down Hamas’s leadership. Public institutions — schools, mosques — are expected to become fierce battlegrounds.

A senior defense official stressed the difference this time: “This is no longer an operation but a new phase of the war. We are staying on the ground long enough to do more comprehensive work.” In other words, potentially a yearlong grind.

Dealing with Hamas

While military preparations accelerate, diplomacy remains stuck. Almost a week after Hamas signaled openness to a partial hostage deal, Israel has yet to formally respond. Hamas officials complain of silence. Netanyahu has insisted on an “all-for-all” exchange — every hostage in return for sweeping concessions, including Hamas’s disarmament, Gaza’s demilitarization, and the group’s exclusion from governance. Hamas has flatly rejected the demand.

Netanyahu’s calculation appears clear: Only with Israeli tanks at Gaza City’s gates will Hamas finally see that Israel is serious and then bend. Zamir, however, struck a somewhat different tone during a recent visit with naval forces.

“We have achieved the three goals of the operation,” he said, “including striking Hamas deeply, pushing threats away from communities, and creating conditions for the hostages’ release.”

Between the lines: The military pressure is meant to pave the way for a deal — and perhaps one already exists. On Tuesday, the cabinet is expected to meet again to finalize military plans and weigh responses to international mediators. Possible venues for renewed talks include the UAE or a European capital.

Hammering the Houthis

Far from Gaza, on Sunday, Israeli jets struck deep inside Yemen’s capital, Sana’a, after a five-and-a-half-hour flight that required multiple aerial refuelings. Targets included power plants, fuel depots, and the presidential palace compound.

The palace strike, officials said, was symbolic — a message that Israel could hit any target, anywhere. The strikes followed the Houthis’ launch of a missile at Israel the previous Friday night — their first use of a cluster warhead. Sirens blared across central Israel, and shrapnel was found in the yard of a residential home. The cluster munitions, notoriously harder to intercept, carried chilling echoes of Iran’s barrages during the so-called 12-Day War.

A senior Houthi official denounced Israel’s attack as “a failure” and vowed that Israel would face “disappointment and defeat.” Still, Yemeni sources reported several deaths and injuries.

The challenge for Israel is clear: Yemen lies 2,000 kilometers away, and even when infrastructure is hit, Iranian support enables the Houthis to rearm and continue launching missiles.

Progress with Syria

Perhaps the most surprising shift, however, is unfolding to Israel’s north. For the first time in decades of bitter hostility, Jerusalem and Damascus may be edging toward a security accord. According to foreign reports, a US-brokered, Gulf-backed memorandum of understanding could be signed as soon as late September.

Syrian president Ahmed al-Sharaa reportedly told Arab media figures this week that “advanced discussions” were underway. Former Jordanian minister Samih al-Maaytah, who attended, described the Syrian leader as “strikingly pragmatic” — a notable shift for a figure long cast as a hardline Islamist.

Netanyahu has also met with US envoy Thomas Barrack, who is mediating between Israel and Syria. The outline under discussion reportedly includes: demilitarization of the Syrian Golan, bans on strategic weapons deployment, humanitarian access for Druze communities in As-Suwayda, and, in exchange, US and Gulf financial support for Syrian reconstruction.

Disarming Hezbollah

Meanwhile, Lebanon simmers under fragile ceasefire terms. Under US pressure, Beirut has pledged to disarm Hezbollah by year’s end — an unprecedented step.

Hezbollah quickly fired back. Deputy leader Naim Qassem threatened, “There will be no life in Lebanon” if the state attempts forced disarmament.

Prime Minister Nawaf Salam responded bluntly: “No one in Lebanon today wants a civil war, and such threats are unacceptable.”

Israel has not stood idle. Last week, the IDF struck a Hezbollah facility near Beaufort, accusing the group of violating the ceasefire terms. Defense Minister Yisrael Katz issued a direct warning to Lebanon’s president, insisting Beirut enforce its sovereignty. In parallel, the IDF confirmed it is prepared to withdraw from five positions it still holds inside Lebanon — on condition Hezbollah truly disarms.

Action and Reaction

Taken together, these rapid developments highlight a region careening between escalation and diplomacy. In Gaza, the looming battle for the city could either dismantle Hamas or spiral into humanitarian disaster. In Yemen, long-range warfare strains Israel’s reach. In Syria, an unexpected accord may redraw regional fault lines. And in Lebanon, a fragile government risks collapse as it faces down Hezbollah.

The fundamental question is whether these converging military campaigns and diplomatic maneuvers lead toward resolution — or merely set the stage for another bloody cycle.

Because in the Middle East, nothing is linear. Every action produces its reaction, every deal its backlash. In the coming days, as Israel weighs fateful decisions, the region may find itself at a historic turning point — or trapped once again in the maze it cannot escape.

(Originally featured in Mishpacha, Issue 1076)