Israel’s Information War: “A proper hasbarah operation is part of our national security strategy, just like buying F-35s and Merkava tanks”

Gilad Erdan is by now a familiar face to Mishpacha readers. The veteran Likud politician has served in numerous high-ranking roles in Israel’s government, including as minister of strategic affairs and public diplomacy, and most recently as the country’s ambassador to the UN from July 2020 until last August. In that latter role, Erdan staked out a strong combative role against the bias Israel faces at the General Assembly, even in the wake of the October 7 massacres committed by Hamas.

Now serving in a non-governmental role as the global president for Magen David Adom, Erdan is freer to state his views on Israel’s challenges in its continuing war. Perhaps not surprisingly, given his strong diplomatic background, he views Israel’s public relations failures not just as a debilitating shortcoming, but a strategic albatross that requires significant reform to correct. He sat down with Mishpacha and spoke at length about the scope of the challenge, and his ideas for addressing it.

You’ve always been a Likudnik, but as someone currently outside the political arena — and a former diplomat — you can speak more freely. How did we get to a place where the world views Hamas as the “good guys,” the hungry ones, and us as the aggressors? Where did our hasbarah fail, in Europe and also in the US?

First of all, let’s not give the world a free pass. European leaders act out of political interest. They’re politicians, and their countries have large Muslim populations who shout and protest. In the UK, there are already 11 Muslim mayors in major cities, and in France — well, we all know the situation there.

On the other hand, we’re seeing the rise of the far right in Europe, which is openly anti-Islamist. That should’ve been a counterbalance, but it hasn’t been.

There absolutely is a counterweight — in Hungary and in other countries, we’re not facing problems. The issue lies where the European left has a strong presence and where there are loud Muslim communities. Now, regarding the US — when you look at liberal outlets like the New York Times, CNN, and the like, understand: This didn’t start yesterday. We’ve been suffering from hostile media for years. Maybe it’s the price we pay for being the Chosen People — they hold us to a different standard.

We just saw it with the Druze massacre in Syria, which barely got any attention until Israel launched an airstrike — and even then, the focus was on Israel’s action, not on al-Julani’s crimes.

At the UN, I used to call it “No Jews, no news.” If Jews aren’t involved, no one cares. I met with New York Times editors, showed them study after study on their biased coverage of Israel and their silence on Iran, Hezbollah, and Hamas atrocities. You know what they told me? “We looked into it — this is what our readers want to read.”

What about the photo of the starving child published by the Times — later revealed to be fake? They issued a vague apology on an obscure social media account. Should Israel sue them, like Sharon did after the Lebanon War?

We passed that threshold long ago. The New York Times is an anti-Semitic newspaper that’s done terrible damage to Israel for years. I’d advise the Israeli government to explore legal grounds for a lawsuit. More broadly, we need to move from defense to offense in all arenas.

The Qatari Lobby

I remember a conversation we had while you were serving at the UN — about the Qatari lobby, not just figuratively. Anyone walking into the UN sees the lavish Qatari-funded lobby. On one hand, we depend on Qatar, even thank them as mediators — remember what Tzachi Hanegbi said — and Israel recently praised them officially. But we haven’t countered their global campaign. Israel doesn’t seem to invest in response. Where did we go wrong?

I won’t dodge the question, but let’s tie up all the threads. First of all, we owe Qatar nothing. Qatar is a despicable terror-supporting state. It’s only a matter of time until we settle the score.

Settle the score — with Qatar? Or with the Hamas leaders they host? After all, Israel can’t touch them because of the supposed Trump-era veto.

Our score with Hamas leaders is one matter, but Qatar also has to be held accountable. That’s my view. A country that hosts terror chiefs, funds our murderers, and runs Al Jazeera — an outlet that delegitimizes Israel and brands us child-killers for years — has to pay a price.

Yet Qatar hosts the largest US base in the Middle East. Isn’t this a conflict we can’t solve?

I didn’t say we should launch a military strike on Qatar, let alone on the US base. I said we should pursue a long-term campaign of exposure and delegitimization — something we never did against Hamas or Hezbollah or any of our enemies. For years, we failed to launch a systematic hasbarah war — exposing hypocrisy, terror support, human rights violations, misogyny, and the routine killing of civilians in Gaza and Lebanon under Iran’s patronage.

Since the war began, Israel has tried to present its case — but hasn’t seen much success.

Exactly. You can’t wait for war to explain how your enemies use hospitals and mosques and hide behind children. That’s too late. The perception war — how Israel and its enemies are seen — needs to be a year-round effort. Just like the IDF regularly thwarts weapons shipments through Syria, this too must be treated as an ongoing campaign.

If you were appointed to run Israeli hasbarah today, what’s the first thing you’d do?

Under no circumstances would I accept the job, as things currently stand.

You’d say no — to such a critical role?

Yes, and I’ll tell you why. Just as the IDF has one chief of staff who commands everyone, the same should apply here. Until the government designates a single official responsible for hasbarah — overseeing the IDF spokesperson, the Foreign Ministry, the Strategic Affairs Ministry, and anyone with valuable content — we’re just spinning our wheels.

Maybe there’s just no budget left for hasbarah during such an expensive war?

A proper hasbarah operation — with real funding and unified authority — is part of our national security strategy, just like buying F-35s and Merkava tanks. Because if the world pressures you not to use those F-35s and denies you ammunition due to public outcry, what good are they? Israel’s PR budget is laughable — less than a cell phone company’s ad campaign.

As UN ambassador, you pushed for this. Did you feel like a lone voice in the wilderness?

The Foreign Ministry’s structure is outdated and irrelevant. We live in a new era — of public diplomacy, social media, campaigns, creativity. Two diplomats having coffee is nice, but it’s not strategy or branding. When I arrived at the UN in 2020, the Israeli mission’s public outreach budget was $10,000 a year.

Ten grand a year? That’s probably what the Qatari lobby spends daily on refreshments.

Exactly. And look what Qatar did. They knew they were a corrupt, extremist, terror-backing regime tied to Iran. So they bought legitimacy — sponsoring football clubs, building a lavish UN lobby, funding universities around the world. And now they have a shiny image. It should’ve been the opposite: Israel as the admired state and Qatar as the pariah.

America First and Anti-Semitism

Back to the US. Just last week, nearly half the Senate Democrats backed Bernie Sanders’s bill to block arms transfers to Israel. But even among Republicans, things aren’t great. A Gallup poll shows Netanyahu at a career-low — 52% of Americans view him negatively. Among young Republicans, Israel is losing support. We saw the backlash after Netanyahu appeared on a popular young-conservative podcast. We’ve already lost the Democrats — are we about to lose the Republicans too?

There’s no collapse, but let’s be honest: There’s a drop in support among young Americans. Even young Republicans go to university, watch the same media, and are exposed to the same nonstop anti-Israel narrative. And without a counter-campaign, this is the result.

Yet Trump’s administration did confront campus anti-Semitism — fines, oversight, budget cuts. Is it possible that the American government is doing more to defend us than the Israeli one?

What Trump is doing on campuses is excellent. But we must rely first and foremost on ourselves. In three and a half years, Trump can’t run again. If there’s another Democratic president, what then?

So what should we do?

Our enemies view the information war as central — as important as their terror operations. I see this as physical, diplomatic, and informational terrorism. We must internalize that hasbarah and public perception are part of our national defense doctrine — not a political handout or vanity budget. We’re at the 11th hour. I still believe we can turn the tide. That’s why I’m shouting this warning.

What Palestinian State?

Tsunami waves that skipped California’s shores are now crashing in Gaza. It’s not just the number but the status of the countries recognizing Palestine. France, the UK, Canada, and now even Germany are talking about advancing recognition of a Palestinian state. As Israel’s former UN ambassador, what would such recognition mean practically?

In the short term? Nothing. In the UN General Assembly — where every country gets a vote — I’d expect between 120 and 150 out of 193 states to vote for Palestinian statehood.

But the General Assembly already gave them symbolic observer status…

Exactly. That’s not new. What’s different is that countries we once saw as part of the “moral majority” — France, the UK, Canada, Australia — are now joining in. I don’t see them as moral beacons anymore — they’re left-leaning, and acting accordingly.

Practically speaking, UNGA decisions are non-binding. What matters is the Security Council, and there, the power dynamics are clear. Even Biden blocked recognition — and it wasn’t just him. A unilateral declaration without Israel’s consent won’t pass — there’ll be a US veto. Secretary of State Rubio has opposed it, and even Trump weighed in against it.

So beyond political damage, it’s meaningless in real terms?

For now, yes. But I’m raising a massive red flag. In three and a half years, who knows who’ll be president? A weak Republican or another Democrat might not resist the pressure. If America’s allies — Canada, the UK, Australia — continue to back this, we may soon face full UN recognition of a Palestinian state. That would be a disaster. It would brand our presence beyond the Green Line as illegal under international law, exposing IDF officers to arrest warrants, and Israeli companies to boycotts in Europe and elsewhere.

Can this be stopped diplomatically, or will the ongoing war make Palestinian statehood recognition inevitable?

I think that now that major Western leaders have made their stance so public — even if they added conditions — it’ll be very difficult to stop this train.

Israel’s Next Steps

If you were in one of today’s decision-making forums, and the question of expanding humanitarian aid came up — like Netanyahu’s proposal for aid drops and safe corridors — would you support it?

Look, I don’t have full access to cabinet intel. But when I see even our best Republican friends unable to explain Israel’s position, then yes — I’d allow humanitarian aid right now.

But going forward, I’d tell the PM to choose one of two clear paths: either go all the way, impose full military rule over Gaza and take full responsibility temporarily — until moderate Muslim actors are ready to take over — or end the fighting completely and work with Trump on a quiet understanding about when fighting can resume, with hostages already home.

Either way, it has to be clear and decisive. The current “both-and” approach — talks and fighting simultaneously — undermines us and confuses the world.

Your first instinct is to push for a deal, even if it ends the war. Was that influenced by the harrowing footage of hostage Evyatar David, which reminded many of the siege of Jerusalem in Tishah B’Av?

Those images broke all our hearts. But policy can’t be driven by photos, however horrific. Leadership must follow national interest. I do think Hamas is currently unable to launch another October 7 tomorrow. But after 22 months, it’s clear that eliminating Hamas won’t happen soon. And Trump’s support isn’t guaranteed forever.

There were two war aims: freeing the hostages and dismantling Hamas. Both are crucial — but hostages come first. So I believe we should strike a deal to bring them home now, and keep the door open to renewed military action later — ideally with US backing.

And if a deal proves impossible, then at least go all in: full military rule, complete control. None of this dual-track dance of talks plus fighting plus humanitarian aid, almost all of which ends up in Hamas’s hands.

(Originally featured in Mishpacha, Issue 1073)