Zohran Mamdani appears unstoppable in the NYC mayoral race. An unlikely coalition has come together to do everything they can to stop him

From a no-name candidate polling at one percent, Zohran Mamdani appears to be unstoppable in the NYC mayoral race. An unlikely coalition has come together to do everything they can to stop him. Can they?

Curtis Sliwa

Curtis Sliwa is the Republican candidate for mayor of New York City. An iconic New Yorker with legendary grit, he has hosted radio shows for over 30 years on the city’s leading political talk station, conservative-leaning 77 WABC. In 1979, Sliwa founded the grassroots crime prevention program Guardian Angels, organizing red-beret-wearing young adults to patrol high crime areas in 130 cities. The 71-year-old Sliwa survived an assassination attempt—shot five times with hollow-point bullets by the Gotti crime family, and more recently defeated stage-4 cancer and a host of other medical problems.

Alan Dershowitz

Alan Dershowitz is a high-profile constitutional lawyer, Harvard professor, and political analyst. Raised in Boro Park, the 86-year-old has spent 60 years battling anti-Semitism and writing 58 books, including his latest, Jewish Blood Is No Longer Cheap.

Hank Sheinkopf

President of a key strategic communications firm, Hank Sheinkopf is a 35-year veteran of over 700 election campaigns in 14 countries and 44 states. He founded Protect the Protectors, one political action committee (PAC) working to defeat Zohran Mamdani, and is a board member of another.

Steve Cohen

Steve Cohen is a lawyer, former assistant US Attorney and longtime aide to Andrew Cuomo in his various roles as governor and attorney general. He is a board member of Bank Leumi, and founder and president of Fix the City, a superPAC dedicated to defeating Zohran Mamdani.

On October 23, 2024, an unknown, 33-year-old assemblyman from Queens joined the race for the Democratic nomination for mayor of New York City. Part of a crowded field of at least 11 hopefuls and polling at one percent, with zero name recognition and a blank résumé, Mamdani wasn’t just written off.

He was hardly noticed.

Today, the Ugandan immigrant’s hard-to-pronounce name is more than recognized, it is spoken — and likely butchered — in almost every household in America. His extremist policy platform is inducing nausea and dread on both sides of the political divide, he has become a “Mandami d’amar” on national foreign policy, and is poised to sweep into power in arguably the largest and most influential economic center of the country.

How did we get here? How dangerous is he, really, and what is being done to defeat him? Is there an eleventh-hour chance to snatch power from his clutches, or a plan for the day after?

We spoke to four of New York City’s most seasoned political operatives — including the candidate who may hold the key to the election  — to find out.

Unwrapping the Rapper

Hank Sheinkopf was the first to see Mamdani coming.

“In January, I was warning people that Mamdani was the one to watch,” he told Mishpacha, “not because I’m so smart, but because I’ve been doing this a long time, and I saw what he was doing — he was using the street.”

Successful campaigning today has cycled back to the old ways. “Advertising is no longer a successful way of getting your message out,” Steve Cohen, director of Fix the City, explains. People are bombarded with too many ads and they don’t believe them.

Mamdani had tens of thousands of volunteers canvassing city streets, knocking on doors, and making phone calls. His messengers offered voters free stuff and made all sorts of promises, many of which his opponents say are lies, impossible to deliver. But people bought into it, and excitement around the campaign grew.

Where did he get the manpower to do all this work? The campaign insists it was powered by loyalist volunteers, and small-money, grassroots donations, but many suspect the involvement of dark money, possibly from Qatar or other Arab states.

As the “movement,” took off, the former rapper used his production value and acting skills to create highly watchable social media content, spreading his message even farther. Shortly before Primary Day, he surged past Andrew Cuomo in the polls, and delivered a thorough drubbing, beating him by 13 points for the Democratic nomination.

Mamdaminions

So who’s voting for him?

Mamdani’s supporters are not only progressives, communists, people who like free stuff, Muslims, and far-left sympathizers of the Democratic Socialists of America (DSA) of which he is a member.

They’re Jews.

Current polling has 34 percent of Jews in New York City voting for the only candidate who wants to arrest Bibi Netanyahu in New York and who’s rhetoric is widely seen as inviting anti-Jewish violence to the city. “It’s critical to understand that the margin of victory for Mamdani is his Jewish voters,” Dershowitz said.

He divides Mamdani’s Jews into several types. “Some are voting for him not because of his anti-Semitism, but in spite of it. They are willing to overlook his rhetoric because they want free busing, or a socialist economy.”

Dershowitz draws a historic parallel between this phenomenon and the selective deafness that allowed Adolf Hitler to rise to power. “When Hitler was elected, he didn’t have a mandate to kill Jews, he had a mandate to save the economy. The biggest problem was that he did it well.”

Cohen calls it a “breakdown in how we’ve educated people on critical thinking.” Sheinkopf doesn’t hide his frustration at the Jews that side with Mamdani. “The under-forty Jewish Mamdani supporter is one of the most pampered generations in the history of the world,” he says. “They never paid a price, never bore a burden, never had a tough day, never missed a meal. They don’t know what sacrifice is. They think Mamdani is talking about other Jews, not them, or that somehow, he doesn’t mean what he says. They’re deluded.”

Another type of Mamdani Jew Dershowitz identifies is the self-hating, anti-Zionist Jews who are a grave danger to our people. They fail to realize how anti-Zionism morphs into anti-Semitism. Again, there is a historical parallel. “Stalin made a sharp distinction between anti-Zionism and anti-Semitism, and that there were important Bolsheviks who were good Jews, like Trostsky. But that morphed very quickly into anti-Semitism, culminating in his plot to kill many.”

The Rising Specter

The revulsion against Mamdani’s policies is not limited to his dangerous anti-Israel rhetoric, which includes his refusal to recognize Israel as a state or to condemn the phrase “globalize the intifada,” repeated genocidal accusations, and support for violent rallies on campuses.

Conservatives and moderates look askance at his desire to freeze rent on some apartments, make buses free, defund the police, raise taxes on small businesses and the wealthy, pass radical real estate industry reforms, have government run businesses, and more. Sheinkopf paints an immediate future in which — if Mamdani is successful — the city is quickly bankrupted, crime skyrockets, businesses and high earners flee, real estate investors and landlords are driven out, tanking property values, and public transportation becomes home for drug addicts and the mentally ill.

Democrats have their own set of fears regarding the future of their party. Steve Cohen, an old-school Democrat operative, points out a DSA win in New York — traditionally the incubator of Democrat power in the country — would inspire copycats across the country.

“It’s already happening in places like Minnesota, Michigan, and San Francisco,” Cohen said, “but this would be the greatest significant victory for the DSA. It will embolden the group and cause the Democratic party to continue to shift to the left. Mainstream Democrats will find they don’t have a home. Some will end up becoming part of the Republican party, which is struggling with its own forms of extremism.”

The Enemy of My Enemy

The looming shadow of a Mamdani administration has forced traditional opponents into a loose coalition of frenemies, trying to contain their differences long enough to work together to keep the DSA out of Gracie Mansion. That drives an odd dynamic, perhaps never seen before in New York City, that has friends screaming at each other and enemies hugging in public.

Hence, we have liberal Democrat Andrew Cuomo trying desperately to get help clearing the field from President Trump, while insisting that he will be Washington’s worst nightmare.

Current mayor Eric Adams, weeks after calling Cuomo a “snake and a liar,” hugged him and stepped to the podium on Thursday to endorse and campaign beside him.

Listeners of staunch conservative New York radio personality Sid Rosenberg, who has promoted WABC colleague Curtis Sliwa for years, heard him shouting at Sliwa last week to stop being selfish and get out of the race so that Cuomo — who Sid has bashed on air for years — can win. For his part, Sliwa quit the station in anger.

To top it off, an open letter signed by 900 Jewish congregational leaders, including Orthodox, Conservative, and Reform was published on Wednesday, calling on Jews to defeat Mamdani.

What Are We Doing?

With blurred battle lines, shaky alliances, and traditionally distrusting camps trying to coordinate, accusations of ulterior motives, double agents, and backstabbing are flying across the city like drones in Ukraine. The mood in the anti-Mamdani camp reflects the rest of the city in these curious times: Tense, resentful, distrusting, and fatalistic; while at times spurred and energetic. In my outreach to various people, lots refuse to talk about the subject, some slammed down the phone in umbrage at how I phrased a question, and others had their publicists call back later with a list of walkbacks.

A rash of superPACs has sprung up, funneling money and resources into the effort. Technically called Independent Expenditures (IEs), these PACs play a vital role under New York’s strict campaign finance rules. Candidates who accept matching contributions from public campaign funds are limited in how much money they can take from a single donor ($3,700) and how much they can spend on the entire campaign (nearly $8 million). The public funds give candidates $8 for every one dollar they get (under $2,000 per donor), meaning big money is at stake.

The loopholes around these rules are IEs, which can raise and spend unlimited funds, but maintain no official connection to any candidate. The coalition is populated by IEs like Fix the City, Protect the Protectors, New Yorkers for a Better Future, For New York City, Putting New York First, DefendNYC, Committee to Save New York, SaveNYC, and others.

Some are focusing on ad buys, but several are using tactics similar to Mamdani’s. Hank Sheinkopf’s PAC has scores of paid staff canvassing the city, and aim to knock on two million doors and make the same number of calls to voters. His teams use research to craft messages tailored per community and ethnic neighborhood. “We need to get people to pay attention to who Mamdani really is,” he said, “and why it matters to them.”

Steve Cohen’s group takes a similar but slightly more nuanced approach. His team did heavy ad buying during the primary, when the PAC was primarily digging in for Cuomo. Since transitioning to the anti-Mamdani coalition, he’s focusing on what he calls “relational networking.” This model uses social media to connect campaigners with people they know and having voters hear the message from members of their own communities whom they trust. “It’s the most innovative and effective tool that has been developed in my experience,” he says.

The PACs have millions of dollars in funding, and fundraising has increased as the Mamdani fear reaches a fever pitch. Billionaire Bill Ackman quietly donated over a million dollars to DefendNYC, and Cohen says it’s easier to raise millions from a few big donations than many small ones. Sheinkopf stresses the value of the small donors, however, as the drive for funding is large. “Every dollar is a big donation, we need every penny we can get.”

The Kingmaker

Another major line of effort to defeat Mamdani focuses on the Republican candidate in the race, Curtis Sliwa.

When he ran against Eric Adams in 2021, Sliwa garnered about 27 percent of the vote, losing by 40 points to Adams — typical numbers for a Republican in New York City. He’s running again this year, and polling at about 16 percent. In a throwback to Israeli politics, despite his low poll numbers, Sliwa may hold the key to the race, a kind of “kingmaker.”

Since current mayor Eric Adams dropped out, Sliwa has come under intense pressure from all sides to quit the race. Current polling shows Mamdani leading Cuomo by nearly 20 points with Sliwa in it, but Cuomo comes within striking distance in a two-horse race. The popular take is that Sliwa mathematically cannot win, and all that staying in the race accomplishes is splitting the anti-Mamdani vote and handing him the scepter.

In fact, Dov Hikind, who was running Jews for Curtis and campaigning for him, jumped ship earlier this week and endorsed Cuomo.

But Curtis insists he can, and will win. “Cuomo is just as bad for the city as Mamdani,” he told Mishpacha. “Why would I give it over to him? The Democrats can split the Democratic vote and the Republican will win. I’ll let the people decide.”

He’s been as clear as possible that he is not going anywhere, but I’m curious whether he really believes he can win or if is driven by something else. Bill Ackman has publicly accused him of staying in the race just so he can keep matching funds to the tune of about $5 million dollars that he paid friends and relatives working on the campaign, an accusation Curtis denies indignantly.

I ask him if he had to bet a million dollars on the race, would he bet on himself? “Oh, absolutely!” he doesn’t hesitate. “In fact, I was offered a $10 million bribe to drop out and I refused, because I’m in it to win it.” He points at Mamdani’s campaign for proof — he was polling at one percent before winning by 13 percent. “Polls mean absolutely nothing!”

I want to know if he understands that for the Jewish community, the outcome is crucial. Mamdani’s refusal to condemn violent rhetoric will empower extremists, likely to violence.

“Of course,” he says. “I told Zohran that my two sons (born to former wife Melinda Katz) are afraid, their friends, families, relatives are afraid, because you have thrown gasoline on the anti-Semitic fire. They do not believe that the arsonist can suddenly return as the firefighter just because you become mayor.” Curtis says he’s faced threats of violence against himself and his family over his refusal to drop out, and has been forced to hire armed security.

Ackman later claimed on X (Twitter) that Mamdani’s campaign was actively working to keep Sliwa in the race. The Republican does have the backing of all five New York City county chairs, as well as Republican former mayor Rudy Giuliani and former governor George Pataki.

No Kings on the Kingmaker

Where is Donald Trump in all this?

“Trump could do much more,” Dershowitz says. “As leader of the Republican Party, he could call Curtis and order him out of the race, perhaps offer him an attractive post to sweeten the deal.” But he hasn’t. When asked about it during an Oval Office press session, Trump would only say that, “It looks like we’re going to have a communist mayor,” and “I don’t know that I want to get involved.”

During the debate, all three candidates tried to cast the other as Trump’s favorite. Cuomo asserted that Trump actually wanted Mamdani to win (which would explain his refusal to try to push Sliwa out) because “he thinks he’s a kid, and he can knock him [over] and take control of the city.”

Digging for Dirt

Some activists are looking for unconventional ways to free the city from Mamdani’s grip.

Alan Dershowitz told us about teams searching for evidence of dark money contributions, laying the groundwork for a deep dive. In August, Curtis Sliwa called for an investigation into Mamdani’s funding sources, and Sheinkopf scoffs at the idea that all his campaigners weren’t paid. “People are coming in from other parts of the country, they have to be fed, clothed, and paid. I don’t believe for a second that they are volunteers.”

So who is behind the alleged dark money? “I would bet you anything that Arab states, particularly Qatar and maybe others, have laundered campaign contributions,” Dershowitz told Mishpacha. They are confident they will find it, and there are some leads. “We know Mamdani’s mother took money from the Qataris to produce some films. We’re looking into whether she could have laundered money for his campaign, dollars are fungible.”

Florida Congressman Randy Fine is calling for an investigation into the Ugandan immigrant’s naturalization to the United States in 2018, along with that of Somalian-born Rep Ilhan Omar. “We need to take a hard look at how these folks became citizens,” he said, calling for the Department of Justice to investigate. “If there’s any fraud or violation, we need to deport [them].”

Other efforts surround Mamdani’s relationship with Brooklyn Imam Siraj Wahhaj, known as an “unindicted coconspirator” for his alleged role in the 1993 World Trade Center bombing that killed six people, and whose children were convicted of terrorism-related offenses.

It’s the Jews

For Dershowitz, even if Mamdani wins anyway, it’s worthwhile to limit the number of Jews voting for him. Mamdani insists he is not anti-Semitic, he’s just opposed to Israel’s activity in Gaza. “He shouldn’t be able to brag that more Jews voted for him than any other candidate.”

Ammiel Hirsch is a national leader of Reform Jews, and Elliot Cosgrove is a popular speaker and spiritual leader of the Conservative Park East temple in Manhattan, which Steve Cohen attends. Both went public to endorse Cuomo and plead with congregants not to vote for Mamdani, emphasizing the danger he represents. Cosgrove did it from his pulpit, an alarming move for some.

Until five months ago, the 1954 Johnson Amendment to the US tax code meant a religious entity would lose tax-exempt status if it endorsed a political candidate. But in July, the IRS released a decision reversing that rule. Cosgrove later told reporters he still would not have mixed politics into his sermon, but these are “special circumstances” due to the danger Mamdani represents. “The safety of the Jewish people is my preeminent concern,” Cosgrove told Jewish Philanthropy. His words have since gone viral, but Dershowitz points out that most of Cosgrove’s congregation were already on board.

Close to 900 Jewish congregation leaders around the country, including Rabbi Chaim Steinmetz, senior rabbi at Orthodox Kehilath Jeshurun, signed on to an open letter on Wednesday voicing concern that Mamdani threatens “the safety and dignity of Jews in every city.”

Vote, and Hope

Cohen says the mood in the camp is motivated and energetic. “Our people care passionately about the city and about the lives of New Yorkers, with intensity and energy that expresses itself as optimism,” he said. “If you’re not optimistic, you’re fatalistic, and probably not getting out of bed in the morning.”

“Something crazy always happens in New York politics,” says the veteran Sheinkopf. “If the turnout is large enough, anything can happen.

All the activists I spoke with vowed to keep up the fight even if Mamdani is elected. “I’m not moving to Florida,” Curtis Sliwa told me, taking another shot at Cuomo for his alleged plans. “Even if the people pick Mamdani, he’s going to be looking over his shoulder. I’ll be there putting together rallies and coalitions to fight him if he steps out of line. Everyone admits I know how to organize people.”

To my question, Sliwa vowed to send his Guardian Angels to protect Jewish neighborhoods, as he has done in the past during the Crown Heights riots and in 2019. “Even in areas where they could barely put a minyan together, we were there escorting them to shul,” Sliwa added, flexing his knowledge of the lingo.

Dershowitz and Sheinkopf speak of the significant power of the Jewish lobby, the accomplishments of Jews and Israelis worldwide, and our national resilience. “We’ve survived everything thus far,” they each echo. “A Jew never gives up.”

Cohen sums up Jewish resilience with a reference to his favorite biblical passage (Shmuel II 12:20): “And David got up off the ground….”

(Originally featured in Mishpacha, Issue 1084)